European industry coalitions, civil society organisations, research bodies, and policy think tanks have been advancing the same case from their own seats. The eight demands operationalise positions that are already moving across European policy. This page maps that field and locates the campaign within it.
Most organisations listed have not been approached for formal partnership. Some have. The text describes their published positions with attribution, links to their key documents, and names points of convergence with the campaign. Organisations are free to engage further, to sign the Manifesto, or to choose not to associate. The list is a snapshot; updates will be made as this progresses.
Convergent positions
Organisations whose published frameworks converge with the campaign on substantive operational points.
European industry-coordinated initiative. Three pillars: Buy European, Sell European, Fund European. Now a forming Foundation.
Convergence with the campaign. EuroStack’s supplier criteria align with Law 1, and the campaign adds the explicit compellability test against named foreign legal instruments. EuroStack’s public-procurement targets (25 per cent by 2027, 50 per cent by 2030) sit as the phased-compliance ramp under Law 2.
Note. The campaign adds the compellability test against named foreign instruments, and extends scope from public procurement to DORA-regulated financial services and NIS2-regulated essential and important entities.
Brussels-based non-profit trade association of 38 European cloud providers. The most active industry voice on sovereign cloud, the SEAL Framework, and the Cloud and AI Development Act.
Convergence with the campaign. The diagnostic vocabulary (“sovereignty washing”) and the SEAL Framework critique appear in Paper 3 with direct citation. CISPE’s position on embedding the Cloud Sovereignty Framework in EUCS aligns with the Stack Compliance Body proposal in Law 2.
Note. The campaign covers twelve stacks beyond cloud and operates the compellability test against named foreign legal instruments rather than CISPE’s broader “European-owned” framing.
Vienna-based European Center for Digital Rights. Co-founded by Max Schrems, the named lawyer behind Schrems I and II at the Court of Justice.
Convergence with the campaign. The compellability test in Law 1 is the operational extension of Schrems II. The campaign cites Schrems’s January 2026 GDPR enforcement statistic. The Manifesto’s opening claim — that Europe wrote the laws and never built the infrastructure those laws assume — descends directly from noyb’s argument.
Brussels-based coalition of European digital-rights NGOs. Strong on privacy, surveillance, open source as strategic public good, and the Digital Omnibus deregulation file.
Convergence with the campaign. The campaign’s Law 7 (Algorithmic Transparency) and Law 8 (Build Public Citizen Tools) sit in the analytical territory EDRi has developed. Paper 4 (Privacy and Sovereignty) draws on the European Essential Guarantees EDRi advocates for.
Note. The campaign extends the rights framing into operational infrastructure architecture, with specified institutional structures (the European cryptographic standards body, the Register, the Stack Compliance Body).
Copenhagen-based Danish non-profit. The largest professional Web3 network in the Nordics. Active in MiCA implementation, Digital Euro discourse, stablecoin policy, and DLT standardisation.
Convergence with the campaign. The DLT stack (Stack 12) and the Payments stack (Stack 6) draw on NBA’s territory directly. NBA’s work on consumer data protection through blockchain and DLT standardisation aligns with the campaign’s sovereignty at the validator and protocol-governance layer.
Direct relationship. NBA is a major supporter of The Emperor’s New Cloud and assists with outreach across the Nordics.
Organisations whose work converges on specific points but who sit further from the campaign's day-to-day focus.
German foundation. The reframetech project, led by Francesca Bria, published the analysis estimating European digital sovereignty transformation requires roughly €300 billion over a decade.
Convergence with the campaign. The €300 billion figure is the most-cited investment estimate in European sovereignty discourse and is referenced in Paper 26’s funding architecture analysis. The campaign’s thesis is that mandated compliance under DORA, NIS2 and public procurement creates the anchored demand that pulls private investment in. With the demand floor mandated, the €300 billion target becomes investable rather than requiring direct state spending.
Brussels-based European economic policy think tank. Funded by 17 EU member states, 31 international corporations, and 10 institutions. Rated five stars by Transparify for funding-disclosure transparency.
Convergence with the campaign. Produces aligned research on European technology policy and competition policy at a centrist, pragmatic register.
Brussels-based European think tank. Publishes the dataset of EU legal and policy instruments for the digital world (2025, fourth edition); produces research on European digital policy and EuroStack analyses.
Convergence with the campaign. Strong institutional independence. Research alignment on the legal-instruments analytical layer.
Brussels-based open-source policy advocacy organisation. Published the EU-level proposal extending Germany’s Sovereign Tech Fund. The proposal sets at least €350 million over seven years.
Convergence with the campaign. Paper 24 cites the OFE feasibility study as the European-level proposal for the maintainer-funding architecture in Law 3 (Invest Don’t Subsidise).
Note. Note: the EU-STF feasibility study was commissioned with GitHub funding (GitHub is a Microsoft subsidiary), but the study’s recommendations work against GitHub’s commercial position. The published framework does not appear to be compelled by its funding sources.
Dutch foundation supporting open information society and operating significant internet infrastructure. The NGI Zero programme deploys €21.6 million in small-to-medium grants for digital commons R&D between 2024 and 2027.
Convergence with the campaign. Direct operational alignment with Law 3’s (Invest Don’t Subsidise) maintainer-funding architecture and with Paper 24’s open-source platform analysis.
German foundation (formerly Internet Economy Foundation), strategically reoriented in 2024-2025 toward pan-European technological sovereignty. Chairman Jonas Andrulis is founder and CEO of Aleph Alpha.
Convergence with the campaign. Endorsed the EuroStack White Paper in April 2025. Advisory Board overlaps with the European industrial coalition advancing sovereign technology.
Research observatory associated with King’s College London, funded by Robert Bosch Stiftung. Focus on digital sovereignty challenges with particular emphasis on migration systems and vulnerable groups.
Convergence with the campaign. Research alignment on the broader sovereignty argument, particularly on the operational sovereignty of public-facing identity and information systems.
The Emperor's New Cloud sits as the policy-research and civil-society case for the architecture that European industry coalitions and rights organisations advocate from their own positions. The series brings three contributions the existing landscape does not produce in this form.
Breadth across stacks. The campaign covers twelve sovereignty stacks (hardware, software, communications, payments, identity, healthcare, information, military, AI, platform, space, DLT). Industry coalitions focus on cloud; civil society organisations focus on rights; research bodies focus on specific domains. The breadth is the campaign's distinctive contribution.
Operational compellability test. The campaign operationalises the test for what counts as sovereign by naming the foreign legal instruments that compromise it (the CLOUD Act, FISA Section 702, the Patriot Act, ITAR, EAR, the UK Investigatory Powers Act, the Chinese National Intelligence Law, and equivalents). The test is more rigorous than "European-owned" or "subject to European law" alone.
Eight laws as binding architecture. The campaign sets out the eight legal demands operationally, with the mechanisms (mandate, carve-out, investment, acquisition defence, transparency, cryptographic sovereignty, public-option) specified.
The campaign's role in the landscape is to hold the architecture firm where industry coalitions can pragmatically accept graduated targets, and where civil-society organisations focus on rights without specifying infrastructure. The harder line is the contribution.
Open invitation
This campaign is open to alignment from any organisation whose work converges with the eight demands. Descriptions are based on public materials. Organisations are welcome to engage directly, to suggest corrections, to sign the Manifesto, or to choose not to be associated. The list updates as the landscape evolves.
Three forms of engagement are available.
Direct partnership. Formal coordination on shared positions, joint statements, or shared advocacy moments. Open to organisations that meet the compellability test and choose to align.
Signing the Manifesto. Open to citizens, politicians and public officials, companies, and organisations or institutions. Sign here.
Adjacent work. Continued independent advocacy that converges with the campaign's positions without formal coordination.
The Emperor's New Cloud is produced independently. The series, the laws, the Manifesto, and the site are policy research. The work has not been commissioned by industry, government, or any foreign actor, and the views are the author's own. The independence is what lets the analysis hold positions that some industry coalitions and politically-affiliated organisations cannot.